M. International relations. 1983. 320 p.

Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor K. A. Khachaturov set out to identify the close and organic relationship between the ideological struggle in Latin American countries and their foreign policy, taking as a methodological guide the key idea about the ever - increasing impact of the main contradiction of our time on socio-political and ideological processes in this region of the world. It is here that we can observe with sufficient completeness and clarity some important new points and aspects of such an impact on the struggle over the ways of further development of humanity.

The book highlights and substantiates the idea that the intensification of the ideological struggle in Latin America on cardinal problems of social development is largely due to the phenomenon of "transnationalization" of the socio-economic structures of Latin American countries, i.e., the process of increasingly intensive transformation of imperialism, primarily North American in the face of transnational corporations, into an internal element of the social structure of Latin America (p. 5). This process is an integral part of the strategy of imperialism on a global scale, aimed at strengthening the position of capitalism in the areas most vulnerable to its domination.

Latin America is precisely the region where capitalism, although it has reached a fairly high level of development in a number of leading countries (for example, in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, capitalism has entered a monopolistic stage of development), as it is rightly noted in the book (p. 6), is at the same time characterized by instability and deformity of its structures and institutions This is explained by a number of reasons and factors, including the presence of strong pre-capitalist remnants in many Latin American countries, as well as their dependent position in the global capitalist system. However, the dependence itself changes significantly in the context of the process of "transnationalization", which is explained in no small part by the desire of influential circles of the local large Latin American bourgeoisie of the monopolistic type to ally with transnational corporations in order to strengthen the position of capitalism and modernize it.

On this basis, as the book successfully shows, there is a kind of "integration" of various varieties of right-authoritarian ideology, whose supporters strive to create a state "model"that is most adequate to the goals and objectives of strengthening capitalism. The book quite reasonably focuses on the analysis of various forms of right-authoritarian ideology, including its most extreme, fascist version. The author, specifically focusing on the characteristic typological features of Latin American fascism, polemics with various points of view that incorrectly or one-sidedly interpret this phenomenon. In particular, the author criticizes the thesis about the "imported" nature of fascism, which acts as a satellite of the imperialist powers. As the author rightly believes, this approach is one-sided and rough, since internal factors that largely generate fascism are pushed into the background. In this case, attention is drawn to the role of the local financial oligarchy, which, according to the author, is interested in establishing right-authoritarian regimes of the fascist type (p.104).

But K. A. Khachaturov still exaggerates the role of the external factor in some cases, pays insufficient attention to the elitist-technocratic theories and concepts put forward by various factions and groups of the ruling classes. The introduction to the analysis of these issues helped to see more clearly and clearly the ambiguous and rather complex relationship between the ideology of right-wing authoritarianism and fascism, the reasons for the deepening contradictions in the ranks of the ruling elite of Latin American countries regarding the methods and forms of government.

Undoubtedly, the process of liberalization taking place in a number of countries with right-wing authoritarian regimes was made possible to a decisive extent thanks to the actions of democratic forces, primarily the working class and its allies in the person of the petty-bourgeois and middle strata. However

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It is also necessary to take into account the contradictions in the ruling elite, the presence in its ranks of different approaches to foreign policy priorities and guidelines. By the way, the author himself refers to the policy of "responsible pragmatism" pursued by the ruling circles of Brazil in the foreign policy arena (p.119).

It is difficult to understand many important foreign policy concepts of Latin American countries that reflect the sentiments of their ruling circles, without taking into account the massive offensive, including ideological, that American imperialism is leading against the vital interests of the peoples of Latin American countries. K. A. Khachaturov gave a concise and informative description of the various stages of the Latin American policy of the United States, showed the continuity of its basic principles, as well as the introduction of new forms and methods into its ideological arsenal. In this connection, attention is drawn to the acute analysis of Reagan's Latin American policy, its main ideological postulates, which the author calls "the doctrine of terrorism and blackmail" (p. 236).

As you know, on the eve of Reagan's coming to power, his advisers developed the so-called Santa Fe document. It is characterized not only by the fact that it justifies the most unceremonious interference in the internal affairs of Latin American countries, but also by the desire to "revise" the history of Latin American countries, to deprive the peoples of this region of patriotic, spiritual and moral values and guidelines. It is no coincidence that in this document, and in the speeches of Reagan himself and members of his administration, attempts were repeatedly made to present outstanding fighters for the political and spiritual liberation of the peoples of Latin America (Simon Bolivar, Jose Marti, Andre Bello, etc.) as apologists for Pan-Americanism, the American way of life. The entire Latin American policy of the Reagan administration is imbued with the spirit of anti-communism and anti-Sovietism in its most extreme and Black-Hundred version.

The book convincingly and vividly shows the futility of attempts by the forces of imperialism and internal reaction to denigrate and slander the ideas of scientific socialism, to discredit the policies of Latin American communists. Marxism has long been an organic part of the political and spiritual culture of Latin American countries, and the Communist parties are gaining more and more authority by their selfless struggle to protect the interests of the general population, by adhering to the best progressive traditions of public thought and culture, and by attracting more and more adherents to their side.

Quite reasonably, the author pays great attention to the beneficial political and ideological impact of Cuba, the first socialist state in the Western Hemisphere, on the liberation processes in Latin America, and speaks about a new stage of struggle on the continent, which is largely connected with the Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua.

The author shows the growing influence of the ideas of socialism on various social forces, social groups, and political parties and movements involved in the liberation and anti-imperialist struggle in a reasoned and convincing way. He analyzes the features and characteristics of the ideology and politics of revolutionary democracy, including those from the military environment, writes about important processes taking place in religious circles, in the church itself, specifically focusing on the "liberation theology" that reflects the radicalization of the mood of the masses of believers. The book highlights the complexity and contradictions of the ideology of supporters of revolutionary democracy and left-wing radicalism, and the influence of ideas of petty-bourgeois revolutionism on them in some cases.

The analysis of ideological platforms and concepts, various trends in national reformism, the role of Christian democracy in the political life of Latin American countries, as well as parties and movements of the social democratic type enriches and deepens the content of the research. However, this interesting section draws a somewhat vague line between the two types of reformism - bourgeois and social-democratic, and does not distinguish their social base, which is important not only for understanding the alignment of class forces in Latin American countries, but also for understanding the essence of foreign policy concepts of a number of states in this region.

A critical assessment of the reasons for the opposition of the Governments of several Latin American countries to the Russian Federation should also be clarified.

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American imperialism. In this case, it is hardly possible to say that the nationalist positions of certain groups and factions of the local bourgeoisie can, under certain conditions, develop into "anti-imperialist patriotism" and even have a "revolutionary character" (p.77). Nevertheless, even if the contradictions between the bourgeois governments of some Latin American countries and imperialism become extremely acute, we are talking about bourgeois nationalism. It is a different matter when revolutionary democrats come to power in a particular country, as was the case in Peru during the period of deep anti-oligarchic and anti-imperialist transformations carried out by the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces under the leadership of General Velasco Alvarado (1968-1975). In such cases, we are really talking about an anti-imperialist foreign policy, largely oriented towards to get out of the sphere of imperialist domination.

The emergence of such opportunities for conducting a new type of foreign policy is largely due to the existence of a socialist community headed by the Soviet Union. But even more broadly, as it is convincingly revealed in the book, the foreign policy of the USSR and other countries of the socialist community, based on the principles of peaceful coexistence, opens up favorable prospects for the active entry of Latin American countries into the international arena as an important constructive force.

K. A. Khachaturov's informative book, in which sharp and bright journalism is organically combined with strict scientific approach, deserves the attention of the widest range of readers.

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